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Sport for development and peace (SDP) is a contemporary term for practices that have a long history, particularly in Canada’s provincial and territorial north, and especially with Aboriginal peoples for whom the region is home. Using a postcolonial international relations feminist approach, theories of global governance and private authority, and by exploring recent literature on self-determination in the context of Aboriginal peoples, we investigate 1) the assumptions at work in attempts to “transfer” SDP programming models in the Two-Thirds World to Aboriginal communities across Canada; 2) how the retreat of the welfare state and neo-liberal policies have produced the “need” for SDP in Aboriginal communities; and 3) how efforts toward Aboriginal self-determination can be made through SDP. We argue that, taken together, these concepts build a useful foundation better understanding for the historical and sociopolitical processes involved in deploying SDP interventions in Aboriginal communities.

The distinction between starting and relief pitchers is crucial for a correct assessment of pay determination. Nevertheless, making this distinction does not alter the trend of empirical findings, namely that there is no salary discrimination against blacks in baseball.

This paper extends previous research examining salary differentials by race/ethnicity in major league baseball. Our analysis adds to previous research by using career statistics for both hitters and pitchers, and, for the pitcher category, both starters and relievers. We also examined race/ethnicity two ways: (a) according to the standard three categories of white, black, and Hispanic and (b) according to five categories—white, black U.S. born, black foreign born, Hispanic U.S. born, and Hispanic foreign born. Using analysis of variance and regression analysis we found that race/ethnicity did not play a statistically significant role in salary determination, no matter how race/ethnicity was coded.

“Americanization” is a much more useful term than “globalization” in the Canadian context. The specific practices of commercial sport that have eroded local autonomy began as explicitly American practices, and state-subsidized American-based cartels flood the Canadian market with American-focused spectacles, images, and souvenirs. But the term does oversimplify the complexity of social determinations and masks the increasing role the Canadian bourgeoisie plays in continentalist sports. “American capitalist hegemony” is therefore preferable. The long debate over Americanization in Canada has also focused on the appropriate public policy response. Traditionally, Canadians have turned to the state to protect cultural expression from the inroads of American production, but that becomes increasingly difficult under neoconservative renovation and the regional trading bloc created by the 1989 U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement. The popular movements will need new means to protect and strengthen the presentation and distribution of their own sporting culture.

In this article we examine a range of media discourses surrounding the continued existence of the Mäori All Blacks, a “racially” selected rugby side, and a specific public controversy that erupted in New Zealand over the selection of former All Black great Christian Cullen for the Mäori All Blacks in 2003. Having never played for the Mäori All Blacks or publicly identified as Mäori, Cullen claimed tangata whenua status via whakapapa (genealogical connection) to his Ngäi Tahu grandfather. We argue that Cullen’s selection emerged as a contentious issue because of the fragmentation that the inclusion of his “Whiteness” within the confines of “an Other” team (i.e., the Mäori All Blacks) brought to bear on traditional colonial binaries of race in the context of late capitalism. Finally, we locate the debates over Cullen’s selection and the continued existence of the Mäori All Blacks in relation to the current racialized political climate that has fueled a Right-wing reaction to the growing Mäori self-determination movement.