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Rachel Vaccaro and Ted M. Butryn

Until recently, mental illnesses in athletes have attracted less attention and media coverage than physical injuries ( Newman, Howells, & Fletcher, 2016 ). However, the majority of published research studies suggested that mental health conditions are just as likely to occur in athletes as they are

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Glynn M. McGehee, Beth A. Cianfrone and Timothy Kellison

Sports and the mass media are often characterized as having a symbiotic relationship ( Pedersen, Laucella, Kian, & Geurin, 2017 ). Sports provide content for the media, who provide an outlet for sport teams or athletes to establish, promote, and sell their brands. However, there can be disconnect

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Mark Dottori, Guy Faulkner, Ryan Rhodes, Norm O’Reilly, Leigh Vanderloo and Gashaw Abeza

Communication campaigns have long been adopted by a number of health organizations that are commissioned to promote healthy living and physical fitness ( Spence et al., 2018 ). As an important public health strategy, these organizations (e.g., ParticipACTION in Canada) work with different media

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Margaret MacNeill

Young people are increasingly the targets of public health and private-public sector campaigns to promote active lifestyles and longevity of the life span (Arnett, 2012; Faulkner, Kwan, Brownrigg, & MacNeill, 2011). Yet media campaigns alone cannot redress the barriers to physical activity. In this paper I argue that theories of life span and social marketing approaches to health promotion share a grounding in the behavioral sciences that need to be broadened to consider social determinants of active and inactive lifestyles and uncover how youth audiences make sense of health promotions. As such, I suggest how the social marketing of healthy life spans can move upstream to advocate policies and programs for youth activity. In this article I a) critically examine our shifting notions of youth and assumptions about life span, b) highlight trends in media consumption by youth, c) consider how kinesiology can broaden the social marketing lens to active media advocacy for social justice, and d) raise implications for research and intervention.

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Emma Kavanagh, Chelsea Litchfield and Jaquelyn Osborne

athletes can be subjected to during a major tennis championship. While the representation of female athletes and female sports in traditional forms of sports media is widely researched and documented (see Cooky, Messner & Musto, 2015 , and Litchfield & Osborne, 2015 , for examples of this), research

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Marcus Ngantcha, Eric Janssen, Emmanuelle Godeau, Virginie Ehlinger, Olivier Le-Nezet, François Beck and Stanislas Spilka

Recent developments in new information and communication technologies have transformed our daily lives. The pervasive use of new information and communication technologies goes hand in hand with a dramatic increase in the use of screen-based media, including television (TV), gaming, and computer (a

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Fallon R. Mitchell, Sara Santarossa and Sarah J. Woodruff

Throughout the years, athletes have advocated for social issues, using their media presence as a means to promote awareness ( Frederick, Sanderson, & Schlereth, 2017 ). Press conferences and television were once frequently used to make known political or social issues and public health campaigns as

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Daniel Maderer, Petros Parganas and Christos Anagnostopoulos

). Given the worldwide appeal of sport in general and football (or soccer) in particular ( Blumrodt, Bryson, & Flanagan, 2012 ; Uhrich, 2014 ), sport fans use social media to extend their knowledge, as well as to share experiences and opinions about their club ( Abeza, O’Reilly, Seguin, & Nzindukiyimana

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Nicholas M. Watanabe, Grace Yan, Brian P. Soebbing and Ann Pegoraro

, & McCullough, 2010 ), media representations ( Cooky, Messner, & Hextrum, 2013 ; Fink & Kensicki, 2002 ), and sport organizational behaviors ( Inglis, Danylchuk, & Pastore, 2000 ; Shropshire, 2004 ). In so doing, discriminatory practices along specific preferences for race, gender, and nationality routinely

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Lindsey M. Eliopulos and Jay Johnson

The purpose of this article is to examine the sport–celebrity relationship of singer–actress Jessica Simpson and Dallas Cowboys quarterback Tony Romo. This qualitative analysis of 100 magazine and 100 newspaper articles that coincided with the first publicized notion of the “Jessica [Simpson] Jinx” reveals the prevailing dominant ideologies of patriarchal structures, traditional gender roles, hegemonic masculinity, and deviance. This study uncovers typologies that mirror the archetypal sporting partnership, for example, Simpson’s feminine position as a “supporter” and her function as an “antagonist” (e.g., the femme fatale, Yoko Ono) and Romo’s position as a hegemonic male (the new-laddist, maverick sporting star) and victim. Through developing these themes, the researchers illustrate the concepts of villainization and victimization in the mass media, where Simpson was portrayed unfavorably. Romo, conversely, was portrayed favorably in the press, suggesting the need to maintain the patriarchal order while restraining female dominance.