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Rachael C. Stone, Shane N. Sweet, Marie-Josée Perrier, Tara MacDonald, Kathleen A. Martin Ginis and Amy E. Latimer-Cheung

in making their athlete status apparent (e.g., wearing team clothing, working participation into conversation, highlighting participation on résumés)—similar to overtly describing an adult as an elite sport participant in this study in an effort to mitigate the disability stereotypes they face from

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David Lilley

Brock builds upon its strangeness. He first observes an ethical limitation in the call for good sportsmanship—it produces few clear examples of compassion in elite sport. He then relates compassion to the receipt of mercy, with the narration of disability providing a bodily frame (pp. 106–108). Mercy

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Gabriella McLoughlin, Courtney Weisman Fecske, Yvette Castaneda, Candace Gwin and Kim Graber

, Sabiston, & Bloom, 2011 ). Pelletier et al. ( 1995 ) conceptualized three forms of intrinsic motivation: to know, to accomplish , and to experience stimulation ( Deci & Ryan, 1985 ; Vallerand et al., 1992 ) within an elite sport environment. They described intrinsic motivation to know as the

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Danielle Peers, Timothy Konoval and Rebecca Marsh Naturkach

discursively absent because they are not imagined or welcomed within the program. The inclusion of para-athletes in primarily athletic discourses was also evident on some DSO websites. Global Wheelchair Athletics adopts an entirely elite sport discourse throughout its website, while making it clear that it

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Jeffrey Martin, Mario Vassallo, Jacklyn Carrico and Ellen Armstrong

, 2017 ). In particular, elite sport competitions such as the Paralympics and Olympics are considered ideal settings to observe intense emotional expressions associated with both success (e.g., joy) and failure (e.g., anguish) because winning at the Paralympics and Olympics is considered the pinnacle of