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Chris Knoester and Theo Randolph

Research on the benefits of father involvement in children’s lives has become common ( Lamb & Lewis, 2010 ; Sarkadi et al., 2008 ). Similarly, a great deal of work has been done on the implications of sports and other physical activities for health outcomes ( Kahan & McKenzie, 2015 ; Project Play

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Jeffrey A. Graham and Marlene A. Dixon

support network and (b) a workplace atmosphere and culture that both support the family role and encourage an ethic of autonomy ( Bruening et al. , 2016 ). Less is understood, however, about the ways men who are fathers in the sport industry manage work and family duties ( Graham & Dixon, 2014

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Jeffrey A. Graham, Marlene A. Dixon and Nancy Hazen-Swann

Youth sport organizations traditionally have focused their concern on training parents in sport and coaching skills, but have largely ignored their parent role. However, an increasing body of work exploring the phenomenon of fathering through sport has highlighted the need for youth sport organizations to become aware of and understand the dual roles of father and coach/volunteer and the potential impact on the participant and the sport organization of using sport as a site and mechanism for fathering (Kay, 2009; Messner, 2009). The purpose of this article is to examine recent literature about the ways—both positive and negative—that fathers use sport as a way to fulfill fatherhood responsibilities and the implications for sport management scholars and practitioners, particularly in voluntary youth sport organizations.

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Jeff Alexander Graham and Marlene A. Dixon

The work-family interface continues to be an important research area as the positive (Carlson, Kacmar, Wayne, & Grzywacz, 2006; Greenhaus & Powell, 2006; Parasuraman & Greenhaus, 2002; Sieber, 1974) and negative (Duxbury, Lyons, & Higgins, 2011; Frone, Russell, & Barnes, 1996; Greenhaus & Parasuraman, 1999; Kahn, Wolfe, Quinn, Snoek, & Rosenthal, 1964; Mullen, Kelley, & Kelloway, 2011; Netemeyer, Boles, & McMurrian, 1996) consequences of successfully balancing work and family have implications for both individuals and organizations. Within sport management, most research has focused on issues surrounding the work-family interface of coaching mothers (Bruening & Dixon, 2007; Dixon & Bruening, 2005, 2007; Dixon & Sagas, 2007; Schenewark & Dixon, 2012; Palmer & Leberman, 2009). Recent research outside of sport management suggests that fathers also perceive tension between work and family (Galinsky, Aumann, & Bond, 2011; Harrington, Van Deusen, & Humberd, 2011; Parker & Wang, 2013). Therefore, this article examines the work-family interface of coaching fathers, with a focus on the further development of a research agenda.

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Mark F. Stewart, Constantino Stavros, Pamm Phillips, Heather Mitchell and Adrian J. Barake

In 1949 the Australian Football League (AFL) introduced a distinctive father–son rule, which allows its member teams to prioritize the recruitment of the sons of former players who had played in a minimum number of games with that team. This paper reveals that some teams have been able to access a statistically significant advantage via this rule, confirming and quantifying that this unique exception compromised the AFL’s reverseorder player draft. In more recent times, through complex reforms, this advantage has been significantly dissipated. Discussion presents this rule as a conundrum for managers as despite potentially compromising the draft, it provides opportunities for off-field marketing communications strategies.

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Trenton M. Haltom

, basketball, or baseball, are where boys learn about manhood, bond with their fathers, and develop competitive attitudes ( Messner, 1992 ). Contrary to more traditional sports settings where masculinity and men dominate, feminized or women-dominated sports are also arenas for boys’ gender socialization. These

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Cynthia A. Hasbrook

This study proposed and tested a theoretical explanation of how social class background influences sport participation. Two theoretical constructs of social class were operationalized within the context of sport participation and tested to determine how well they explained the social class-sport participation link: life chances/economic opportunity set (the distribution of material goods and services), and life-styles/social psychological opportunity set (values, beliefs, and practices). Life chances consisted of the availability and usage of sport equipment, facilities or club memberships, and instruction. Life-styles consisted of selected parental achievement and gender role expectations that encourage, fail to encourage, or discourage sport participation. Social class background was determined by father’s occupation as ranked in the Duncan Socioeconomic Index. A self-administered questionnaire was distributed to a stratified random sample of high school students, with some questionnaires eliminated to control for cultural and/or racial differences and variation in parental influence. The construct validity of the instrument was supported by factor analytic results. The test-retest reliability of the questionnaire was r = .956. Partial correlation analyses revealed that while individual life chances/economic opportunity set variables explained a greater portion of the relationship between sport participation and social class background than did the individual variables of life-styles/social psychological opportunity set, a combination of all three economic opportunity set variables and two social-psychological opportunity set variables accounted for more than 50% of the relationship between sport and class.

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Phillip Chipman and Kevin B. Wamsley

Quebec. Adrien Gagnon was born March 4th, 1924 in St-Louis de Kamouraska, a small rural village on the south shore of the Saint Lawrence River. Prior to his arrival in the city of Montreal, Gagnon aided his father on the family plot where he no doubt developed an unrelenting work ethic and, according to

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Stanley Thangaraj

( Farred, 2006 ; Leonard, 2012 ). Before the 2009 “incident,” the racial story of Tiger Woods’s blackness was held together by showing the masculine heteronormative link between him and his good black father (see Andrews, 2006 ; Cole & Andrews, 2001 ), where the father socialized the son to (sporting

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Cheryl A. MacDonald

States that hypermasculinity was learned from other men involved in ice hockey (fathers, coaches, professionals) and that it bred homophobia and legitimized the sexual objectification of girls and women. Furthermore, Michael Atkinson states that “the message is perhaps most clear to hockey players; the