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Moise Muzigaba, Tracy L. Kolbe-Alexander, and Fiona Wong

Background:

Facility-based and context-specific interventions to promote physical activity (PA) among pregnant women from economically underprivileged communities remain sparse and undocumented in South Africa. This study aimed to generate information about pregnant women’s views and experiences of PA during pregnancy, which will later be used to inform the development of a PA-based intervention targeting this group.

Methods:

Qualitative methods were used and framed on the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB). Five focus group discussions were conducted at a Community Health Centre in Cape Town, each comprising a stratified random sample of between 8 and 6 pregnant women living in eight low socioeconomic status communities close to the facility. The participants included primi- and multigravida black and mixed racial ancestry women at different stages of pregnancy. Data were analyzed using a Framework approach.

Results:

PA was considered important for self and the baby for most participants. However, they reported a number of barriers for translating intentions into action including the lack of supportive environment, fear of hurting oneself and the growing baby, lack of time due to work and family responsibilities, and not knowing which and how much PA is safe to do. Some of the incentives to engage in PA included establishing community-based group exercise clubs, initiating antenatal PA education and PA sessions during antenatal visits.

Conclusion:

Based on our findings the need for an intervention to promote PA in pregnancy is evident. Such an intervention should, however, aim at addressing barriers reported in this study, particularly those related to the behavioral context.

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Charles Macaulay, Joseph Cooper, and Shaun Dougherty

There are two cultural narratives often purported within the American sports cultures of basketball and football. First, those participating within these sports are African American athletes from poor communities lacking educational and economic opportunities. Second, the meritocratic myth perpetuating American society feeds the notion no matter where an individual is from their talent will elevate them to the next level. There have already been a few studies who have challenged these myths. This study seeks to continue the conversation by collecting community data on 7,670 high school football recruits for the years 2000 to 2016. This study seeks to provide a broad overview of the interscholastic football landscape as well as determine production levels of schools. This study finds that while players are recruited from a diverse range of communities and school types, as a school becomes more productive they tend to be located within wealthier urban communities, have a diverse student body, and have a higher likelihood of being a private school.

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Allison Manwell, James Johnson, and Khirey Walker

second in his family to graduate from high school. John, an African-American male from a poor community who also happened to be a first-generation college student with a learning disability, was fighting against long odds. However, football had always been his motivation and this opportunity provided a

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Bouwien Smits-Engelsman, Wendy Aertssen, and Emmanuel Bonney

6 and attended an elementary school ranked as quintile 2 within the South African context. In South Africa, schools are classified into 5 quintiles using the poverty score of the community in which the school is located. Schools in quintiles 1 through 3 are usually found in poor communities. These

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Simone A. Tomaz, Anthony D. Okely, Alastair van Heerden, Khanya Vilakazi, Marie-Louise Samuels, and Catherine E. Draper

to meet or achieve? Please provide a brief explanation in response to the previous question. b,d Somewhat agree. “I think in poorer communities who have single mothers and low income, children being restricted, as in tied to the caregiver’s back, is more common because of the lack of support

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Jeffrey Montez de Oca

Coalition are education and voting. Of course, education is valuable in and of itself but is limited as a strategy to address the racial wealth gap or internal colonialism. Education may create a more valuable, expensive worker, but it does not generate socially just economic development, which is what poor

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Brian P. McCullough, Madeleine Orr, and Nicholas M. Watanabe

.g., increased auto emissions, displacement). Furthermore, sport facilities are commonly built in lower socioeconomic areas of the city, causing the city’s poor communities to be exposed to the environmental impact of construction, operations, and demolition of facilities more than other areas of the city ( Sze, 2009

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Earl Smith and Angela J. Hattery

Blacks can do so ( Korver-Glenn, 2018 ). If neighborhoods were truly open for racial integration, then it would not be the case that two decades into the 21st century, affluent Black families are living in deeply concentrated poor communities and neighborhoods while similarly situated Whites live in

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Brian P. McCullough, Madeleine Orr, and Timothy Kellison

, those who bear the brunt of these negative externalities are poor communities (e.g., displacement, pollution; Sze, 2009 ; Wallace, 2012 ). This is important, as it demonstrates how environmental injustices can be promulgated by efforts of the sport industry. Vulnerability, Climate Capacity, and