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Cora Burnett

The voices of South African feminists and womanists are relatively absent from public debates concerning women’s participation and empowerment in sport. This paper represents a contribution to the gender discourse, drawing on feminist paradigms and reflecting on the marginality of South African women in society and in sport. The findings of two separate studies, undertaken in 1977 and 1999 respectively, are reported. The research focused on the assessment of the impact of the Sports Leaders Programme (as part of the South Africa-United Kingdom Sports Initiative) and the junior component of the sports development programme initiated by the Australian Sports Commission (Super Kidz). Data were collected by means of structured interviews from different stakeholders at macro- (national), meso- (community/institutional) and micro- (individual) levels. A representative sample for the Sports Leaders Programme included 17 co-ordinators and facilitators (at national and provincial levels) and nine sports leaders at community level. To obtain qualitative data concerning the Super Kidz Programme, two provinces were targeted for data collection. A quota sample of seven schools was selected as the experimental group (having introduced the programme) and five schools in close proximity acted as controls. One hundred and forty-four role-players at different levels of participation were interviewed. To obtain some triangulation of data, 110 role-players also participated in focus groups. The data reflecting the position and involvement of women in these programmes were analysed. Against the reality of the majority of women living in conditions of chronic poverty, exposed to patriarchy, being ideologically stereotyped and structurally marginalized, they were, to a large extent absent, and their efforts unrecognised in the institutionalised domain of sport. It was concluded that sport is a severely gendered domain in which male hegemony is acted out and perpetuated whereas women in impoverished communities view access to sport as peripheral in their everyday struggle for material survival. National agencies should therefore not rely on female volunteers to facilitate sports development in impoverished communities but to strategize differently while also redressing ideological and structural gender inequalities in the wider social context.

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Bryan C. Clift

Baltimore, Spatialized Urban Poverty, and Homelessness The more than two-year study of a physical cultural organization that mobilized running with those housed in temporary recovery facilities upon which this project was based occurred in Baltimore, MD. The organization, Back on My Feet, is a

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Jay Scherer, Jordan Koch and Nicholas L. Holt

As a result of a rapidly changing global political economy, deindustrialization, and neoliberalism, a new form of racialized urban poverty has become concentrated in the inner cities of innumerable North American urban centers. In response to these material conditions, various nonprofit organizations, corporate-sponsored initiatives,and underfunded municipal recreation departments continue to provide a range of sport-for-development programs for the ‘urban outcasts’ of the global economy. While sport scholars have widely critiqued these initiatives, little is known about how people experience these programs against the backdrop of actually existing neoliberalism (Brenner & Theodore, 2002) and the new conditions of urban poverty. As part of a three-year urban ethnography in Edmonton, Alberta, this paper examines how a group of less affluent and often homeless young men experienced and made use of a weekly, publicly funded floor-hockey program. In so doing, we explore how this sport-for-development program existed as a ‘hub’ within a network of social solidarity and as a crucial site for marginalized individuals to negotiate, and, at times, resist conditions of precarious labor in a divided Western Canadian city.

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Gyöngyi Szabó Földesi

This paper is an analysis of the presence and the consequences of ageism and sexism in contemporary sport relative to Hungarian women. The major purposes are: (1) to consider some theoretical concerns about research on physical activity in the later years; (2) to examine how the double disadvantage of being old and female influences life-styles in connection with sport; (3) to review research relative to how and why sport is or is not an integral part of life-style of the 50+ age group of women in Hungary; (4) to present results of research carried out recently in Hungary on elderly people’s sport participation and their judgments of their own physical activity. Findings from a variety of studies were discussed, including 1987 and 1997 studies of the Budapest older population. Interview and questionnaire techniques were used to collect data relative to participation and interpretation of sport and physical activity. According to the findings, of the 1997 study, only 19% of women over 70 reported their health as satisfactory, compared with 5.6 % of the men. Lasting diseases were more frequent among women than among men (42.3 % versus 34.1 %). 38.8 % of females and 27.8 % of males aged 70-74 years cannot walk a distance of 2 kilometers; 47.1 % of females and 31.8 % of males in the same age groups are not able to ascend 10 stairsteps without taking a rest. Approximately 5 % of males over 60 and approximately 4% of females over 55 were physically active. It appears to the great majority of Hungarian older women that they are losers of the recent system change: because of growing poverty their life-chances have been worsening, their opportunities for choosing the components of their life-styles-including physical activity have narrowed and social distances within and between the individual age cohorts have increased, including sport participation. There is a need for rethinking attitudes and for increasing awareness of how physical fitness could keep Hungarians in all ages healthier, more independent and more optimistic.

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Sheila Hanlon

graceful confidence in a simple fringed bloomer costume. At her career best, Armaindo broke speed and endurance records, beating men, horses and women. At her worst, she fell into poverty and despair as her athletic career faded. Hall captures Armaindo’s formidable character both on and off the track

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Sarah Oxford and Fiona McLachlan

of health and education) limits them to serve others ( Rodriguez, 2001 drawing from Lagarde, 1990 ). In the 1990s, the illicit drug industry shaped beauty standards, resulting in the creation of the term narco-estetica . In pursuit of escaping poverty, young women coupled with narco

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Simon C. Darnell, Richard Giulianotti, P. David Howe and Holly Collison

power exerted significant influence over the development process, to the point that poverty reduction—its ostensible goal—was reduced to something of a social and political placeholder. 2 Intentionally or not, work like Ferguson’s demonstrated an affinity with the emerging field of Actor Network Theory

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Alan Klein

much of the time since the 1960s, the media has seized on the statistics showing Pine Ridge to be the poorest place in North America with alarming rates of just about every poverty-related index, e.g., illness (e.g., diabetes, heart disease); economic privation (unemployment, poverty index); or social

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Taylor M. Henry

exclusivity between sports and the outside political and cultural world, demonstrating the direct consequences of policies and cultural discourses surrounding race, poverty, ethics, sexuality, and identity. The book effectively bridges disciplinary divides and, whether taken as a whole or chapter by chapter

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Douglas Booth

action. Here Gruneau cites Sugden ( 2006 , p. 221) for whom socially conscious individuals now recognize that “doing nothing may no longer be an option.” Critiques of development policies and strategies leave no doubt that sport alone will not “substantially reduce global poverty” (174). Nonetheless