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Timothy J. Bungum and Murray Vincent

Purposes of this study included the identification of physical activity (PA) levels, and the types of activity, as well as the determination of racial differences in these factors between African-American (AA) (n=626) and White (WH) (n=226) adolescent females.

PA was measured using a one week recall. Approximately 1/2 of WH and 1/3 of AA female adolescents were sufficiently physically active (Blair, 1992) to produce health benefits. Less than twenty-five percent of study participants met a newly established guideline addressing moderate to vigorous PA (Sallis & Patrick, 1994). Younger adolescents were more active than older adolescents.

Accounting for differences in age and socioeconomic status WH females were more active than AA females. African-American and WH females participated in similar types of activity. Walking was the most frequently cited mode of activity.

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George B. Cunningham and Michael Sagas

Whereas previous research has demonstrated racial differences in occupational turnover intent, why such differences exist remains unclear. Therefore, the purpose of this Research Note was to examine perceived opportunity, career satisfaction, and occupational turnover intent of racial-minority and White NCAA Division I-A assistant football coaches (N = 382). Multivariate analysis of variance indicated that racial minorities perceived less career-related opportunity, were less satisfied with their careers, and had greater occupational turnover intentions than their White counterparts. Structural equation modeling indicated that career satisfaction fully mediated the relationship between perceived opportunity and occupational turnover intent. Results highlight the need for a change in the organizational culture of intercollegiate athletic departments such that diversity is valued and embraced.

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Eddie Comeaux

This study employed critical race theory (CRT) as an interpretive framework to explore faculty members’ perceptions about Black and White U.S. college student-athletes’ academic and post-undergraduate accomplishments. Using photo elicitation method, randomly assigned faculty participants responded to a photo and vignette of a student-athlete by race. Results indicated that some faculty held differential feelings toward Black and White student-athletes with respect to their academic and post-undergraduate accomplishments. Such feelings were less favorable for Black male and female student-athletes as compared with their White counterparts. The implications of these findings should be discussed among faculty, student affairs leaders, coaches, and others who frequently interact with student-athletes and are committed to creating more equitable educational environments for all students.

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Robert M. Sellers

Concern over academic integrity in recent years has led the NCAA to establish eligibility standards for incoming student-athletes. This has stirred controversy because of the differential effects of the use of standardized test scores on black versus white student-athletes. The present study examines race differences in the predictors of college grade point average (GPA) for student-athletes participating in revenue producing sports. The findings suggest there are different predictors of college academic achievement for black versus white student-athletes. High school GPA and mother’s occupation are the only significant predictors of college GPA for black student-athletes. On the other hand, high school GPA, socioeconomic status, and SAT/ACT scores were significant predictors for white student-athletes. The results are discussed in light of the need for future investigations into the predictors of academic performance of student-athletes as well as current and future NCAA policy

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Rachel Allison

climate helps account for racial differences in perceived academic outcomes among sportswomen. Hoffman et al. ( 2016 )’s study of over 8,000 students at NCAA member institutions found that women athletes of color reported lower levels of perceived academic success than their white women counterparts, and

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Pat António Goldsmith

This paper examines why African Americans and Whites participate in different high school sports at different rates. Considered are explanations based on family, neighborhood, and school inequality as well as explanations stemming from two race-relations theories (competition theory and the cultural division of labor perspective) that see racial differences in culture as a product of racialized norms that vary in strength across settings. Data from the NELS and the 1990 Census are analyzed by mixing multinomial logistic regression with multilevel models. Results indicate that racial differences in sports that Whites play more are largely the result of SES and neighborhood inequality. Differences in sports Blacks play more have strong race effects. Moreover, racial differences are larger in schools with proportionately more Blacks and in schools with more racial hierarchy, providing partial support for both race-relations theories.

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John George

Over the past 30 years almost all world-class United States sprinters have been black. There were also many fast black sprinters in the United States before the 1960s, but in addition there were a considerable number of world-class white sprinters. In fact, during the 1940s and 1950s the fastest men were white. This was not the case during the 1930s, when the best male sprinters were black. This essay discusses the phenomenon and attempts to give reasons for it. Sociological explanations seem considerably more plausible than physical characteristics based on perceived racial differences.

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Norris R. Johnson

This paper describes an instrument developed and used with an experimental methodology in a pilot study of stacking in football and baseball. The instrument was a positional profile purporting to represent an evaluation of young athletes on a number of position-relevant traits. Respondents were asked to assign each player to a position solely on the basis of this written evaluation. The race of the profiled player was systematically varied in order to measure the impact of race on positional assignment. Preliminary results showed that coaches achieve a high degree of consensus when making assignments on the basis of the written evaluations alone, and players who have been identified as white are significantly more likely to be assigned to the quarterback position than are players identified as black. No other evidence of racial differences in positional assignment was indicated.

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Cynthia A. Hasbrook

This study proposed and tested a theoretical explanation of how social class background influences sport participation. Two theoretical constructs of social class were operationalized within the context of sport participation and tested to determine how well they explained the social class-sport participation link: life chances/economic opportunity set (the distribution of material goods and services), and life-styles/social psychological opportunity set (values, beliefs, and practices). Life chances consisted of the availability and usage of sport equipment, facilities or club memberships, and instruction. Life-styles consisted of selected parental achievement and gender role expectations that encourage, fail to encourage, or discourage sport participation. Social class background was determined by father’s occupation as ranked in the Duncan Socioeconomic Index. A self-administered questionnaire was distributed to a stratified random sample of high school students, with some questionnaires eliminated to control for cultural and/or racial differences and variation in parental influence. The construct validity of the instrument was supported by factor analytic results. The test-retest reliability of the questionnaire was r = .956. Partial correlation analyses revealed that while individual life chances/economic opportunity set variables explained a greater portion of the relationship between sport participation and social class background than did the individual variables of life-styles/social psychological opportunity set, a combination of all three economic opportunity set variables and two social-psychological opportunity set variables accounted for more than 50% of the relationship between sport and class.

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Stanley Thangaraj

apologies have become commonplace and demanded for celebrities to reassure positive affective connections with the public ( Starn, 2011 ), Woods utilized the mode of a public apology to perform race and racial difference through Asian-ness, Buddhism, and affectivities of regret. As Ari Fleischer used Asian