bias) occurs at an earlier time of occlusion than for LS players. Indirect support for this possibility comes from visual inspection of response accuracy data for expert and novice rugby players’ responses to double sidestep actions (Figure 4 in Mori & Shimada, 2013 ). Here it can be seen that the
Laurence S. Warren-West and Robin C. Jackson
Priya Patel, Seungmin Lee, Nicholas D. Myers, and Mei-Hua Lee
analysis is equally important. Inappropriate handling of missing data may lead to serious issues in data analysis, thereby reducing the validity of results ( Jeličić, Phelps, & Lerner, 2009 ). Problems, such as reduction in power ( Bennett, 2001 ; Enders, 2013 ), bias in parameter estimates ( Jones, 1996
Jonathan Robertson, Ryan Storr, Andrew Bakos, and Danny O’Brien
.g., homosexuality) and promoting an accepted identity within a given sport environment (e.g., heterosexuality; Melton & Bryant, 2017 ). Consequently, it is important for us to understand how these forms of institutional bias are continuously negotiated within the slow struggle for social change. Australian cricket
Jared A. Russell, Sheri Brock, and Mary E. Rudisill
, logistical, and administrative structures/processes that would support an inclusive excellence environment ( Chin & Trimble, 2015 ; Hale, 2004 ; Smith, 2015 ; Williams, 2007 ). One area in need of attention in creating inclusive excellence is implicit bias and how it can influence faculty recruitment
Psychological research concerning sport attributions has devoted much attention to motivational explanations of egocentric bias phenomena. Some theoretical explanations suggest bias is intentional in order to fulfill certain self-oriented needs. However, there is also evidence that cognitive processes such as memory can contribute to unintended egocentric biases. Two studies were conducted to investigate biases (a) in the available information used to make attributions, and (b) in the attributions of responsibility for actions or events. The subject samples examined were 12 men's doubles tennis teams and 32 coach-athlete pairs. Subjects responded to questions requiring recall of either important events and turning points during tennis matches (Study 1) or examples of joint interaction inputs (Study 2). Estimates of perceived responsibility for both dyad members were gathered from each subject. The data provided evidence for egocentric biases in available information and in responsibility attributions. A subject's own inputs to team efforts or to a two-person interaction were more easily and frequently remembered. Subjects consistently remembered more of their personal contributions than those of others, and accepted more responsibility for joint efforts than granted them by others regardless of event outcomes. Failure to include others' inputs in the recall of joint endeavors is explained by processes affecting memory. Implications for future research are discussed as well as the problems these unintended biases create for participant interaction.
Meena Makhija, Jasobanta Sethi, Chitra Kataria, Harpreet Singh, Paula M. Ludewig, and Vandana Phadke
“bias” calculated as the mean difference between the measurements in the ideal condition/true value (such as images in true AP view or images corrected for optical distortion) and the imposed experimental condition (out-of-plane rotations or distorted images). The “accuracy” was calculated in the scale
Several studies have found that gymnasts’ placement in within-team order affects their scores (e.g., Scheer & Ansorge, 1975). This effect has been explained in terms of judges’ expectations yielding a cognitive confirmation. In the present study, the influence of expectations on gymnastics judging was conceptualized within the schema approach of social cognition research. Three factors are addressed that contribute to the understanding of the placement effect: task difficulty, social situation, and process stages. In an experiment, 48 gymnastics judges scored videotaped routines of a men’s team competition. Target routines appeared either in the first or the fifth position of within-team order. Depending on the difficulty of the judgment task, a significant placement effect was found. This effect resulted from biased encoding of single elements, as well as from heuristic judgment strategies. Results are discussed in reference to the practice of gymnastics judging.
Martin Eubank, Dave Collins, and Nick Smith
Beck’s (1976) theoretical account of emotional vulnerability predicts that individuals who are vulnerable to anxiety will exhibit a cognitive processing bias for the threatening interpretation of ambiguous information. As anxiety direction (Jones, 1995) may best account for individual differences, the aim of this study was to establish whether such processing bias is a function of anxiety interpretation. Anxiety facilitators and debilitators underwent a modified Stroop test by reacting to neutral and ambiguous word types in neutral, positive, and negative mood conditions. A significant 3-way interaction, F(4, 60) = 3.02, p < .05, was evident, with the reaction time of facilitators being slowest for ambiguous words in the positive mood condition and debilitators being slowest for ambiguous words in the negative mood condition. The findings illustrate the important role that anxiety interpretation plays in the mechanism involved in the processing of ambiguous information.
Leanne C. Findlay and Diane M. Ste-Marie
The current study examined whether expectations, assumed to be created by the positive reputation of an athlete, produced a bias in judging at either the encoding or evaluation phase of sport performance appraisal. The short programs of 14 female figure skaters were evaluated by judges to whom the athletes were either known or unknown. Ordinal rankings were found to be higher when skaters were known by the judges as compared to when they were unknown. Furthermore, skaters received significantly higher technical merit marks when known, although artistic marks did not differ. No significant differences were found for the identification of elements or associated deductions, measures which were assumed to be indicative of the encoding phase of judging. These findings suggest that a reputation bias does exist when judging figure skating, and that it is present during the evaluation phase of sport performance appraisal, as reflected by the ordinal and technical merit marks.
Paul D. Loprinzi, Bradley J. Cardinal, Carlos J. Crespo, Gary R. Brodowicz, Ross E. Andersen, and Ellen Smit
The exclusion of participants with invalid accelerometry data (IAD) may lead to biased results and/or lack of generalizability in large population studies. The purpose of this study was to investigate whether demographic, behavioral, and biological differences occur between those with IAD and valid accelerometry data (VAD) among adults using a representative sample of the civilian noninstitutionalized U.S. population.
Ambulatory participants from NHANES (2003−2004) who were 20−85 years of age were included in the current study and wore an ActiGraph 7164 accelerometer for 7 days. A “valid person” was defined as those with 4 or more days of at least 10+ hrs of monitoring per day. Among adults (20−85 yrs), 3088 participants provided VAD and 987 provided IAD. Demographic, behavioral, and biological information were obtained from the household interview or from data obtained in a mobile examination center.
Differences were observed in age, BMI, ethnicity, education, smoking status, marital status, use of street drugs, current health status, HDL-cholesterol, C-reactive protein, self-reported vigorous physical activity, and plasma glucose levels between those with VAD and IAD.
Investigators should take into consideration the potential cut-off bias in interpreting results based on data that excludes IAD participants.