In-depth telephone interviews were conducted with 48 randomly selected members of the 1980 Canadian Olympic team to determine the impact of the boycott of the Moscow Olympic Games upon their lives and athletic careers. Questions from a 24-item interview schedule focused upon the process by which the athletes were informed, their understanding of the boycott, their reaction to it, the impact on them, and their attitudes and opinions regarding the boycott. The 1980 Olympic boycott generally had a negative impact upon the lives of the athletes interviewed in this study, but the effect depended upon variables such as the sport in which the athlete competed, the stage of his/her career at the time of the boycott, the athlete’s performance expectations, the importance he/she placed upon the Olympics, his/her ability to cope, his/her support structure, and the degree to which the athlete identified with his/her sport. Several recommendations are made regarding future sports boycotts.
Jane Crossman and Ron Lappage
Bastian Popp, Chris Horbel and Claas Christian Germelmann
boycotts ( Friedman, 1985 ; Kozinets & Handelman, 2004 ), and brand avoidance ( Lee, Motion, & Conroy, 2009 ). Hollenbeck and Zinkhan ( 2006 ) found four distinct reasons for the formation of antibrand communities: “1) to provide a social community comprised of members with common moral obligations, 2) to
Qingru Xu and Andrew C. Billings
words online ( Li & Shepherd, 2017 ). Two days later, the administration publicly condemned the boycotting athletes and coaches for the “extremely wrong” behavior of ignoring national interests ( International Table Tennis Association, 2017 ). The athletes, coaches, and Liu Guoliang then posted public
In 1968 I organized the Olympic Project for Human Rights. Its purpose was to carry out a black athletes’ boycott of the Mexico City Olympic Games in protest against racism in American sports in particular and American society in general. Those of us associated with OPHR were viciously attacked in the U.S. media for introducing politics into the Olympics. My response to these attacks was simple: “The Olympics are and have always been political!” My position on this issue has not changed, but now I am far from alone in my view.
During the last 2 years the campaign against apartheid sport has taken a new turn, shifting from the blanket boycott of “no normal sport in an abnormal society” to a more carefully nuanced “two-track” strategy, which attempts to strengthen nonracial sport in South Africa while maintaining the international quarantine of proapartheid establishment sport. These efforts are being mounted within the highly fluid dynamic of a society-wide assault on the structures of racist domination. This paper examines ongoing changes in South African sport, the new strategy and organizations developed by the liberation movement in response to the changes, and the promise and problems of the future. It is argued that the antiapartheid campaign provides an important example of effective human intervention in the sphere of modem sport.
M. Ann Hall and Bruce Kidd
Eva Dawes Spinks (1912–2009) was an outstanding Canadian high jumper in the 1930s. The present paper traces her early life, successful athletic career, and her decision in 1935 to join a group of athletes on a goodwill tour of the Soviet Union organized by the Workers’ Sports Association of Canada. Upon her return, Dawes was suspended by the Women’s Amateur Athletic Union of Canada. She retired from competition and became involved in the Canadian campaign to boycott the 1936 Berlin Olympics. Much later, Dawes adamantly denied any political involvement. The purpose of this paper is to examine and possibly explain the incongruity between the historical evidence and Dawes’s later denials. More broadly, it is a discussion about the relationship between history and individual memory.
. Irrespective of this 8-year break and some politically motivated boycotts by selected nations, the Winter Olympics developed into a mega-sports event within 90 years. At the 2014 Winter Olympics, held at Sochi, Russia, 2780 athletes from 88 nations competed in 15 sports with 98 events. 2 These numbers reflect
this event to situate Robinson in the “resistance to Jim Crow legislation” and to identify him as a “progenitor of Rosa Parks whose December 1955 refusal to give up her [bus] seat to a white person inaugurated the thirteen-month-long bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama” and the subsequent ruling by the
Kwame J.A. Agyemang, Brennan K. Berg and Rhema D. Fuller
institution of the Olympic Games ( Lawrence & Suddaby, 2006 ). Third, the Olympians spoke about their singular focus on their respective sports at the Games, which is indicative of the institutional logic of the Olympics as competition. Although some had heard rumors of boycotts and protests within the
Cole G. Armstrong, Theodore M. Butryn, Vernon L. Andrews and Matthew A. Masucci
determine how to most effectively negotiate this politicized sporting terrain in their decision-making processes related to CSR ( Polite & Santiago, 2017 ). More specifically, due in part to potential risks (e.g., social backlash, protests, boycotts) associated with employing CSR initiatives ( Babiak