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Cora Burnett

The voices of South African feminists and womanists are relatively absent from public debates concerning women’s participation and empowerment in sport. This paper represents a contribution to the gender discourse, drawing on feminist paradigms and reflecting on the marginality of South African women in society and in sport. The findings of two separate studies, undertaken in 1977 and 1999 respectively, are reported. The research focused on the assessment of the impact of the Sports Leaders Programme (as part of the South Africa-United Kingdom Sports Initiative) and the junior component of the sports development programme initiated by the Australian Sports Commission (Super Kidz). Data were collected by means of structured interviews from different stakeholders at macro- (national), meso- (community/institutional) and micro- (individual) levels. A representative sample for the Sports Leaders Programme included 17 co-ordinators and facilitators (at national and provincial levels) and nine sports leaders at community level. To obtain qualitative data concerning the Super Kidz Programme, two provinces were targeted for data collection. A quota sample of seven schools was selected as the experimental group (having introduced the programme) and five schools in close proximity acted as controls. One hundred and forty-four role-players at different levels of participation were interviewed. To obtain some triangulation of data, 110 role-players also participated in focus groups. The data reflecting the position and involvement of women in these programmes were analysed. Against the reality of the majority of women living in conditions of chronic poverty, exposed to patriarchy, being ideologically stereotyped and structurally marginalized, they were, to a large extent absent, and their efforts unrecognised in the institutionalised domain of sport. It was concluded that sport is a severely gendered domain in which male hegemony is acted out and perpetuated whereas women in impoverished communities view access to sport as peripheral in their everyday struggle for material survival. National agencies should therefore not rely on female volunteers to facilitate sports development in impoverished communities but to strategize differently while also redressing ideological and structural gender inequalities in the wider social context.

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Ray M. Merrill

altitude), as well as urban residency, poverty, tobacco smoking, and obesity, have been associated with physical activity. The influence of these variables on physical activity may be direct or indirect. Associations may also be modified by other variables such as gender. A direct effect of air temperature

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Sandra E. Echeverria, Amiee Luan Kang, Carmen R. Isasi, Janice Johnson-Dias and Dula Pacquiao

Background:

Neighborhoods can be an important feature of the built environment influencing physical activity; however, neighborhood poverty and violence may pose significant barriers for youth physical activity. We conducted a community survey of 107 households with youth 3–12 years of age in select neighborhoods of the city of Newark, New Jersey, a highly impoverished and racially/ethnically segregated city of the United States.

Results:

The majority of sampled households did not have access to a park, and nearly 60% of youth were not engaged in a team or organized physical activity program. Hearing gunshots and seeing drug deals in the neighborhood were reported by 74% and 56%, respectively, of study participants. In adjusted regression models, a 1-unit increase in self-reported neighborhood safety was associated with perceptions that parks were safe for youth to use (OR = 1.7, CI = 1.3, 2.3) and increased odds of youth using parks (OR = 1.3, CI = 1.0, 1.6). Self-reported neighborhood violence was marginally associated with lower levels of Metabolic Equivalent (MET)-min/week of moderate PA (β = –54.25, P = .05).

Conclusion:

To ensure national goals of increased physical activity and use of outdoor spaces, addressing the neighborhood contexts under which the most vulnerable of our youth live will be required.

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Deborah A. Cohen, Bing Han, Sujeong Park, Stephanie Williamson and Kathryn P. Derose

were taken from surveys that addressed park use and physical activity from a larger randomized trial in the City of Los Angeles intended to promote physical activity in low-income neighborhoods ( Cohen et al., 2017 ). We defined low-income as the percentage of households in poverty above the city

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Stephanie J. Hanrahan

People who live in the villas (i.e., slums) of Buenos Aires are confronted with poverty, poor and dangerous living conditions, and discrimination. Ten weeks were spent in the villas delivering a program designed to enhance life satisfaction and self-worth through games and the development of mental skills. The purpose of this paper is not to report on the content or the effectiveness of the program, but rather to explore the variables within Argentina and the villas as well as my own cultural biases that may have influenced the delivery of a psychological intervention program. Argentine factors include a high prevalence of psychologists and a psychoanalytic focus. Characteristics of the villas include environmental factors (e.g., transportation issues, sanitation), logistical issues (e.g., venues, access to writing implements), and psychological matters (e.g., hopelessness, different perceptions of confidence). Practitioner concerns included limited familiarity with life in the villas and having values that might be different from those of the participants. The discussion includes recommendations for others who are considering working in similar cultural and contextual situations.

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Chelsea L. Kracht, Elizabeth K. Webster and Amanda E. Staiano

whether these sociodemographic differences in individual guidelines translate into differences in meeting the 24-Hour Movement Guidelines. Therefore, the purpose of this investigation was to assess sociodemographic differences (ie, age, sex, race, poverty level, and weight status) in meeting the 24-Hour

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Bryan C. Clift

Baltimore, Spatialized Urban Poverty, and Homelessness The more than two-year study of a physical cultural organization that mobilized running with those housed in temporary recovery facilities upon which this project was based occurred in Baltimore, MD. The organization, Back on My Feet, is a

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Chia-Yuan Yu, Ayoung Woo, Christopher Hawkins and Sara Iman

residential segregation. Racial residential segregation is widely known as a factor that negatively affects the socioeconomic well-being of segregated minority populations, especially African Americans. 3 Segregation concentrates poverty in areas with substandard housing, unsafe living environments, low

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Christoph Buck, Anca Bolbos and Sven Schneider

-term unemployed inhabitants among all those unemployed, • Percentage of the total population who were receiving state support payments, and • Poverty indicator (jobseekers under 65 y of age who were receiving state support payments, as a percentage of all those under 65). The last figure is considered to be a

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Jay Scherer, Jordan Koch and Nicholas L. Holt

As a result of a rapidly changing global political economy, deindustrialization, and neoliberalism, a new form of racialized urban poverty has become concentrated in the inner cities of innumerable North American urban centers. In response to these material conditions, various nonprofit organizations, corporate-sponsored initiatives,and underfunded municipal recreation departments continue to provide a range of sport-for-development programs for the ‘urban outcasts’ of the global economy. While sport scholars have widely critiqued these initiatives, little is known about how people experience these programs against the backdrop of actually existing neoliberalism (Brenner & Theodore, 2002) and the new conditions of urban poverty. As part of a three-year urban ethnography in Edmonton, Alberta, this paper examines how a group of less affluent and often homeless young men experienced and made use of a weekly, publicly funded floor-hockey program. In so doing, we explore how this sport-for-development program existed as a ‘hub’ within a network of social solidarity and as a crucial site for marginalized individuals to negotiate, and, at times, resist conditions of precarious labor in a divided Western Canadian city.