). Unique emotional experiences relate to differential outcomes. For example, pride results from an individual engaging in, or presenting with, valued behaviors and/or characteristics and provides feedback that the individual is competent and warrants high status ( Pekrun, Elliot, & Maier, 2006 ; Tracy
Jenna D. Gilchrist, David E. Conroy, and Catherine M. Sabiston
Alvaro Sicilia, Manuel Alcaraz-Ibáñez, Delia C. Dumitru, Adrian Paterna, and Mark D. Griffiths
involves negative feelings caused by a controllable factor such as an individual’s behavior (e.g., individual perceiving that they are not doing enough to improve their own appearance/fitness). Unlike shame and guilt, pride has been considered as a positive SCE because it is elicited by appraisals that
A new form of sporting settler homonationalism emerged in the Pride Houses at the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympics. For the first time ever, Pride Houses were set up where gay and lesbian supporters watched and celebrated the Olympic events. Drawing on poststructuralism, queer and settler colonial studies, the paper analyzes how the Pride Houses were based on settler colonial discourses about participation and displacement. A settler discourse about First Nations and Two-Spirit participation in the Pride Houses allowed gay and lesbian Canadian settlers to both remember and forget the history of settlement. Another settler discourse took for granted the displacement of Two-Spirit youth from their community center and Indigenous people from their traditional territories in order for the Olympics and the Pride Houses to take place. The paper suggests that queering settler politics in sport means confronting, rather than disavowing, colonialism and challenging homonational forms of gay and lesbian inclusion in sport mega- events.
Philip Furley and Alexander Roth
). Subsequently, we used a validation technique similar to Dael et al.’s ( 2012a ) by having actors perform penalty preparations while instructed to show certain emotions/internal states (e.g., pride, dominance, self-confidence, shame, submission, and insecurity) and, afterward, coding the behaviors of the actors
Philip Furley, Fanny Thrien, Johannes Klinge, and Jannik Dörr
of distinct emotions that are autonomously (or automatically) expressed and understood in a universal manner. For example, humans are assumed to express happiness ( Shiota et al., 2017 ) and/or pride ( Tracy & Matsumoto, 2008 ) with universal nonverbal signals following pleasant experiences and
James G. Thompson
Ted B. Peetz
Brian Wilson and Philip White
This paper examines the development of a grassroots movement to revive the defunct Ottawa Rough Riders CFL franchise. Particular attention is paid to the theoretical implications of this movement for understanding social processes of collective action in sport-related contexts, the political economic forces that guide/structure these processes, and relationships between sport-related interest groups, the state and mass media. This historical inquiry and theoretical discussion is based on interviews that were conducted with key members of the revival movement (in 1999 and 2000) and on a content and textual analysis of mass media coverage of the group (from February 1998 until July 2000). The paper concludes with some comments about the potential relevance of this study for broader work on community, identity, and sport and with recommendations for future research on sport-related grassroots movements.
Thomas Curran and Andrew P. Hill
because self-conscious emotions are activated by threats to self-worth in the achievement and interpersonal contexts and are core affective features of anxiety and depression ( Kim, Thibodeau, & Jorgensen, 2011 ). Three self-conscious emotions are especially notable here, namely, pride, guilt, and shame