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Lauren C. Hindman and Nefertiti A. Walker

The recent attention of social media movements such as #MeToo have renewed focus on the pervasiveness of sexism and sexual harassment faced by women in the workforce. Gender discrimination, reported by more than 40% of working women in a 2017 Pew Research study, is commonplace, even more so in

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Elizabeth A. Taylor, Allison B. Smith, Natalie M. Welch, and Robin Hardin

hegemonic group (i.e., men) which triggers higher rates of harassment-type behaviors ( Bergman & Henning, 2008 ). Thus, the sport management academic field is ripe for issues of sexism and sexual harassment. The purpose of the current study was to examine the prevalence and forms of sexual harassment and

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Aura Goldman and Misia Gervis

Fink ( 2016 ) notes that sexism in sport is “commonly overt yet simultaneously unnoticed” (p. 2). Sexism in most sports is treated less seriously than other discriminatory issues, such as racism or homophobia, and is ignored or laughed at rather than receiving condemnation ( Fink, 2016

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Janet S. Fink, John F. Borland, and Sarah K. Fields

Critical analysis of media coverage is vital as scholars have long suggested that what the media choose to cover and how they choose to cover it have incredible influence on audience perceptions. Therefore, how the media cover negative incidents and sexist comments relative to women in sport can illuminate the manner in which they reinforce or challenge the hegemonic nature of sport. This study critically examined the media’s reaction to 5 specific sexist incidents in sport from 2004 to 2007 and the reactions of the perpetrators themselves and their defenders as represented in the media. Articles (N = 278) covering the incidents from 5 large newspapers representing different areas of the United States were analyzed. Results indicated that there were 4 strategies of apologia (i.e., denial, bolstering, transcendence, and differentiation), and 2 other themes, silence and marginalized sexism, emerged. Theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.

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Jessica Love and Lindsey Conlin Maxwell

Sexism and racism have long been studied in relation to mediated sports. Sports are used to uphold sexist institutions (see Angelini, 2008 ; Angelini, MacArthur, & Billings, 2012 ; Dworkin & Messner, 2002 ; Greendorfer, 1994 ; Lavelle, 2015 ), and Black athletes are subjected to questions

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Sarah B. Williams, Elizabeth A. Taylor, T. Christopher Greenwell, and Brigitte M. Burpo

disciplines. Taylor et al. ( 2018 ) found that 14 of 14 female sport management faculty members in a study reported experiencing some form of sexual harassment or sexism during their time as a graduate student or faculty member. It is evident sexual harassment and sexism are present in the academic

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Janet S. Fink

In this article, from the 2015 Earle F. Zeigler Lecture Award presented in Ottawa, Canada, I hope to create greater awareness of how sexism remains uncontested in sport. I highlight the persistence of sexism in sport and note the form of sexism is different from that found in other industries. I also argue that sexism is treated quite differently than other types of discrimination in sport and provide examples of its impact. I suggest that adapting Shaw and Frisby’s (2006) alternative frame of gender equity is necessary for real change to occur and call on all NASSM members as researchers, teachers, or participants to take action to eradicate sexism in sport.

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Katharine W. Jones

In this article I consider women’s relationship to football culture, showing how women sometimes downplay their gender identities to reinforce their fan identities. To accomplish this I interviewed 38 female fans at English men’s football (soccer) matches and analyzed their responses to abusive or insulting behavior by male fans. Women used three strategies to respond to sexism and homophobia. First, they expressed disgust at abuse, sometimes redefining fandom to exclude abusers. Second, they downplayed sexism. Their third strategy was to embrace gender stereotypes, arguing that femininity was inconsistent with “authentic” fandom and that abuse was a fundamental part of football. Finally, I suggest that examining nontraditional male fans using a similar framework might yield useful results.

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George B. Cunningham and Nicole Melton

In drawing from Herek’s (2007, 2009) sexual stigma and prejudice theory, the purpose of this study was to examine the relationship among prejudice toward sexual minority coaches, religious fundamentalism, sexism, and sexual prejudice and to determine whether race affected these relationships. The authors collected data from 238 parents. Results indicated that Asians expressed greater sexual prejudice than Latinos and Whites, while African Americans expressed more religious fundamentalism than did Whites. There were also differences in the associations among the variables. For African Americans, sexism held the strongest association with prejudice toward sexual minority coaches. While for Asians and Whites, religious fundamentalism held the strongest association, contact with lesbian and gay friends was a significant predictor of prejudice for Asians, but not for the other groups. For Latinos, both religious fundamentalism and sexism were associated with sexual prejudice. The authors discuss the results in terms of theoretical and practical implications.

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Emma S. Cowley, Alyssa A. Olenick, Kelly L. McNulty, and Emma Z. Ross

This study aimed to conduct an updated exploration of the ratio of male and female participants in sport and exercise science research. Publications involving humans were examined from The European Journal of Sports Science, Medicine & Science in Sport & Exercise, The Journal of Sport Science & Medicine, The Journal of Physiology, The American Journal of Sports Medicine, and The British Journal of Sports Medicine , 2014–2020. The total number of participants, the number of male and female participants, the title, and the topic, were recorded for each publication. Data were expressed in frequencies and percentages. Chi-square analyses were used to assess the differences in frequencies in each of the journals. About 5,261 publications and 12,511,386 participants were included in the analyses. Sixty-three percentage of publications included both males and females, 31% included males only, and 6% included females only (p < .0001). When analyzing participants included in all journals, a total of 8,253,236 (66%) were male and 4,254,445 (34%) were female (p < .0001). Females remain significantly underrepresented within sport and exercise science research. Therefore, at present most conclusions made from sport and exercise science research might only be applicable to one sex. As such, researchers and practitioners should be aware of the ongoing sex data gap within the current literature, and future research should address this.