The recent attention of social media movements such as #MeToo have renewed focus on the pervasiveness of sexism and sexual harassment faced by women in the workforce. Gender discrimination, reported by more than 40% of working women in a 2017 Pew Research study, is commonplace, even more so in
Lauren C. Hindman and Nefertiti A. Walker
Elizabeth A. Taylor, Allison B. Smith, Natalie M. Welch and Robin Hardin
hegemonic group (i.e., men) which triggers higher rates of harassment-type behaviors ( Bergman & Henning, 2008 ). Thus, the sport management academic field is ripe for issues of sexism and sexual harassment. The purpose of the current study was to examine the prevalence and forms of sexual harassment and
Janet S. Fink, John F. Borland and Sarah K. Fields
Critical analysis of media coverage is vital as scholars have long suggested that what the media choose to cover and how they choose to cover it have incredible influence on audience perceptions. Therefore, how the media cover negative incidents and sexist comments relative to women in sport can illuminate the manner in which they reinforce or challenge the hegemonic nature of sport. This study critically examined the media’s reaction to 5 specific sexist incidents in sport from 2004 to 2007 and the reactions of the perpetrators themselves and their defenders as represented in the media. Articles (N = 278) covering the incidents from 5 large newspapers representing different areas of the United States were analyzed. Results indicated that there were 4 strategies of apologia (i.e., denial, bolstering, transcendence, and differentiation), and 2 other themes, silence and marginalized sexism, emerged. Theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.
Janet S. Fink
In this article, from the 2015 Earle F. Zeigler Lecture Award presented in Ottawa, Canada, I hope to create greater awareness of how sexism remains uncontested in sport. I highlight the persistence of sexism in sport and note the form of sexism is different from that found in other industries. I also argue that sexism is treated quite differently than other types of discrimination in sport and provide examples of its impact. I suggest that adapting Shaw and Frisby’s (2006) alternative frame of gender equity is necessary for real change to occur and call on all NASSM members as researchers, teachers, or participants to take action to eradicate sexism in sport.
Katharine W. Jones
In this article I consider women’s relationship to football culture, showing how women sometimes downplay their gender identities to reinforce their fan identities. To accomplish this I interviewed 38 female fans at English men’s football (soccer) matches and analyzed their responses to abusive or insulting behavior by male fans. Women used three strategies to respond to sexism and homophobia. First, they expressed disgust at abuse, sometimes redefining fandom to exclude abusers. Second, they downplayed sexism. Their third strategy was to embrace gender stereotypes, arguing that femininity was inconsistent with “authentic” fandom and that abuse was a fundamental part of football. Finally, I suggest that examining nontraditional male fans using a similar framework might yield useful results.
George B. Cunningham and Nicole Melton
In drawing from Herek’s (2007, 2009) sexual stigma and prejudice theory, the purpose of this study was to examine the relationship among prejudice toward sexual minority coaches, religious fundamentalism, sexism, and sexual prejudice and to determine whether race affected these relationships. The authors collected data from 238 parents. Results indicated that Asians expressed greater sexual prejudice than Latinos and Whites, while African Americans expressed more religious fundamentalism than did Whites. There were also differences in the associations among the variables. For African Americans, sexism held the strongest association with prejudice toward sexual minority coaches. While for Asians and Whites, religious fundamentalism held the strongest association, contact with lesbian and gay friends was a significant predictor of prejudice for Asians, but not for the other groups. For Latinos, both religious fundamentalism and sexism were associated with sexual prejudice. The authors discuss the results in terms of theoretical and practical implications.
The experiences of women in physical education history from the nineteenth century forward offer us valuable insights toward a better understanding of the discipline since its inception. The deeply gendered histories of women in the profession are contingent upon the ways in which they intersect with other identities, including class, race, and sexuality. Dominant gender ideologies were reinforced and resisted in women’s physical education, making it a significant location to understand how bodies were constructed and reconstructed within ever-changing societal definitions of gender and athletic femininity. The contradictions and complexities that emerge as a result of the many gender tensions in play over the course of this history produce a rich site to more completely understand the discipline’s past and future.
Jessica Barrett, Alicia Pike and Stephanie Mazerolle
Key Points ▸ Though their relationships with student-athletes and coaches were often harmonious, participants experienced sexism and discrimination from the time they were students through their professional careers. ▸ Athletic trainers identified themselves as considerate, helpful, self
Elizabeth A. Taylor, Jessica L. Siegele, Allison B. Smith and Robin Hardin
, “I’m sure a lot more has happened that I’ve been naive to or just that ignorant of,” referring to her experience with sexism in the workplace, showing that sexist behavior and gender discrimination may be present, but she is numb to them. Further demonstrating how embedded this gender discrimination