In 2017, legislators in 16 states considered bills focusing on transgender individuals’ use of bathrooms. The states included Alabama, Arkansas, Illinois, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota, Montana, New York, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, Washington, and Wyoming ( Kralik, 2017
George B. Cunningham, Erin Buzuvis, and Chris Mosier
Bethany Alice Jones, Emma Haycraft, Walter Pierre Bouman, and Jon Arcelus
also been found to alleviate mental health problems, particularly depression and anxiety. 3 – 7 In light of this, physical activity may be beneficial for populations that are vulnerable to mental health problems. One of these vulnerable populations is transgender people who experience incongruence
Transgender people are increasingly tolerated, and sometimes even actively celebrated, within contemporary Western popular culture. However, despite the broader political movement against gender-based discrimination, transgender people’s participation in élite sport remains contentious. Although American transgender professional tennis player Renee Richards drew attention to transgender athletes as early as the mid-1970s, even major sports organizations such as the International Olympic Committee (IOC) struggle to formulate fair and consistent gender policies. This article discusses the specific case of transgender players in men’s netball in New Zealand, a somewhat uniquely gendered sport, as a means of understanding emerging issues surrounding transgender athletes’ participation in sport more broadly.
This article examines developments in gender policies in sport in relation to recent changes in transsexual rights legislation and gender identity activism. The Gay Games has developed a gender identity policy about “men, women, transgender and intersex” athletes. In 2004, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) introduced the Stockholm Consensus on sex reassignment surgery to allow “transsexual” athletes to compete at the Olympics. These developments do not indicate an overall increase in the acceptance of gender variance in the world of sport; rather, there has been ongoing resistance to inclusive gender policies in mainstream sport organizations. I argue this resistance is based on anxieties about the instability of the male/female gender binary and the emergence of queer gender subjectivities within women’s, gay, and mainstream sporting communities.
Elena López-Cañada, José Devís-Devís, Alexandra Valencia-Peris, Sofía Pereira-García, Jorge Fuentes-Miguel, and Víctor Pérez-Samaniego
, anxiety, and various addictions. 5 – 7 Trans or transgender people are those persons whose gender identities do not match the gender they were assigned at birth based on their biological anatomy. In its broader sense, they are used as umbrella terms encompassing a large number of identities related to
Tamar Z. Semerjian and Jodi H. Cohen
Viviane K. Namaste (2000) argues that trans-individuals have been culturally erased and rendered invisible. She contends that academics should begin to explore the realities of transgender individuals’ lives. Transgender identified athletes have begun to garner more media attention in recent years, particularly with the 2004 International Olympic Committee’s ruling allowing transgender athletes to participate in the Olympics. Despite this increasing media attention, there is a considerable lack of academic work focusing on the experiences of transgender athletes, as well as a paucity of any serious theoretical consideration of these experiences. The purpose of this paper is to present trans athletes’ narratives of their sport participation, with attention to how gender identity and performance was or was not a part of this participation. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with four trans identified athletes. The narratives of these athletes portray a way of thinking about gender as a category that is transmutable, unstable, and constantly written and rewritten through embodied performances. Queer theory will serve as the theoretical perspective used to analyze these narratives.
Shannon S.C. Herrick and Lindsay R. Duncan
fellow patrons ( Fusco, 2006b ; Sykes, 2011 ). LGBTQ+ is an acronym used to acknowledge lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and other communities that do not adhere to cis-heterosexist assumptions ( Griffith et al., 2017 ). “Transgender” is an umbrella term that can be used to describe any
George Cunningham and E. Nicole Melton
The purpose of this study was to examine parents’ supportive attitudes toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) coaches, as well as the sources of that support. The authors drew from the model of dual attitudes and a multilevel framework developed for the study to guide the analyses. Interviews were conducted with 10 parents who lived in the southwest United States. Analysis of the data revealed three different types of support: indifference, qualified support, and unequivocal support. Further analyses provided evidence of multilevel factors affecting the support, including those at the macro-level (religion), the meso-level (parental influences and contact with sexual minorities), and the micro-level (affective and cognitive influences) of analysis. Theoretical implications and contributions of the study are discussed.
Cathryn B. Lucas-Carr and Vikki Krane
Shannon S.C. Herrick and Lindsay R. Duncan
these “isms” for people belonging to minority groups in a society that favors the “majority” ( Meyer, 2003 ) or those in positions of power. It is well documented that individuals who belong to LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, etc.) communities experience LGBTQ+-specific minority